Online platforms tend to reduce search
costs for consumers and therefore increase
the likelihood that the marginal benefit of a
purchase exceeds the marginal cost and
thus increasing demand,
and
Online platforms seems to lower the cost of
bringing an asset to market,
increasing the
supply in an industry and lead to an
increase in total transactions.
Given that online platforms are likely to increase
demand, the overall impact on prices, consumer
surplus and producer surplus depends on the
relative impacts. In terms of prices, there is
some evidence, based on studies of
ecommerce websites, that online platforms tend
to reduce the price of goods and services
compared to offline markets.
This would also
suggest that the overall impact on consumer
surplus was positive (with the impact on
producer surplus ambiguous). However, recent
research suggests that the impact of platforms
on prices varies substantially between sectors,
retailers and geographic markets, with 72% of
goods in a recent sample having the same price
online as in brick-and-mortar retailers.
Despite mixed evidence of the impact of online
platforms on prices, there have been several
studies to suggest that the overall impact of
platform entry into markets is an enhancement
of welfare. One study found that peer-to-peer
Goldmanis, Maris, Ali Hortaçsu, Chad Syverson,
and Önsel Emre. "E‐commerce and the Market
Structure of Retail Industries." The Economic
Journal 120, no. 545 (2010): 651-682.
Horton, John J., and Richard J.
Zeckhauser. Owning, Using and Renting: Some
Simple Economics of the" Sharing Economy". No.
w22029. National Bureau of Economic Research,
2016.
Lieber, Ethan, and Chad Syverson. "Online versus
offline competition." The Oxford handbook of the
digital economy(2012): 189.
Cavallo, Alberto. "Are online and offline prices
similar? evidence from large multi-channel
markets for durable goods, enabled by trust
mechanisms, increase consumer surplus by
0.8% to 6.6%.
In the accommodation market,
recent research on the ten largest US cities by
penetration of Airbnb found that the entry of the
platform increased total welfare by $352 million
(around $70 per night booked on the
platform).
The entry of Uber and Lyft in New
York was found to have a welfare gain of 72
cents per dollar spent on the platform.
This
welfare gain seems to be concentrated among
consumers, with each dollar spent on Uber
found to have generated $1.60 in consumer
surplus in the four major US cities in 2015.
Overall, early evidence suggests that trust
mechanisms enable the growth of online
platforms, which has had substantial positive
welfare implications on many of the industries
disrupted. However, these welfare implications
appear to vary by industry, and thus we must be
careful in applying these results more broadly to
new industries being impacted by platform
entry.
Superior targeting of government spending
Aside from regulating trust mechanism use in
markets, government may also wish to make
active use of trust mechanisms to improve
public policy. There have been several
applications of government using the
retailers." American Economic Review 107, no. 1
(2017): 283-303.
Fraiberger, Samuel P., and Arun Sundararajan.
"Peer-to-peer rental markets in the sharing
economy." Forthcoming. (2015).
Farronato, Chiara, and Andrey Fradkin. The
welfare effects of peer entry in the accommodation
market: The case of airbnb. No. w24361. National
Bureau of Economic Research, 2018.
Lam, Chungsang Tom, and Meng Liu. "Demand
and Consumer Surplus in the On-demand Economy:
The Case of Ride Sharing." Working paper. (2017).
Cohen, Peter et al. Using big data to estimate
consumer surplus: The case of uber. No. w22627.
National Bureau of Economic Research, 2016.